Pervez Musharraf: A bittersweet era for Pakistan

February 5, 2023 marks the demise of former president General (retd) Pervez Musharraf. He was the fourth military dictator to abrogate the Constitution and establish legitimate rule over Pakistan. Although the martial law remains the biggest sin committed by Musharraf, his tenure as the president was not all that bad, compared to his predecessors and successors. There have been failures and achievements; drawbacks and advantages. All in all, people’s feelings towards Musharraf have been bittersweet as was his rule. As chief executive, Musharraf had undertaken various initiatives for the revival of economy, empowerment of women, devolution of power, representation of minorities, and press freedom. His economic policies revolved around liberalisation, deregulation and privatisation. The GDP growth of Pakistan was 3.9 per cent in 1999-2000, which rose to 6 per cent per year from 2000-2007 under Musharraf’s rule. The revenue collections increased from Rs308 billion in 1999 to Rs846 billion during 2007, whereas the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) increased from US$ 4.87 billion to US$ 13.195 billion. The foreign debt decreased from $38.5 billion to $34 billion. Pertaining to women empowerment, the steps undertaken by Musharraf have been tremendous. He endorsed the rights of women and empowered them in all walks of life. To increase women’s political representation, Musharraf had reintroduced the concept of reserved seats for women in the parliament, provincial assembly and the senate. Moreover, 33 per cent quota had been reserved for women in all three tiers of local government, under the Devolution Plan 2001. To enhance the role of women as decision-makers, six women were included in the federal cabinet and 10 per cent quota was reserved for women in Central Superior Services. Besides, certain other measures to empower women socially include the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2004, which was passed to ensure effective persecution of cases of honour killings; and the Protection of Women Act, 2006 which was put into place to amend the highly criticised Hudood Ordinance laws of 1979 and preserve justice and security for women. The female literacy rate during Musharraf’s era grew from 32 per cent in 1999 to 42 per cent in 2007. To ensure genuine local democracy, Musharraf had put forth the Devolution of Power Plan in 2001, in order to transfer the administration and finances to the local governments. Moreover, a private news channel revolution was witnessed during Musharraf’s tenure, who had created the operating space for the airing of private news channels. To increase the political representation of minorities, Musharraf reintroduced the joint electorate system to increase the political representation and influence of minorities. At a regional level, the most important milestone achieved by Musharraf was the revival of the Confidence Building Measures (CBM) between India and Pakistan, marked by the composite dialogues in 2004-2005 between Musharraf and Atal Bihari Vajpayee. The Four Point Formula put forth by Musharraf during the dialogues to resolve the long-standing Kashmir conflict have been very significant as it was acceptable to all three parties, India, Pakistan, and especially the Kashmiris. The CBMs, however, were soon disrupted, but the formula presented by Musharraf still remains a viable option to be considered in order to resolve the dispute. Despite what his rule has achieved, nothing can serve as a justification or a compensation for the illegitimate rule of Musharraf. The violation of the Constitution, at the hands of military dictators, time and again, has cost Pakistan a lot. Furthermore, Musharraf was a key ally of the US in the war on terror which resulted in the rise of terrorism across Pakistan. Whether it was Musharraf’s choice or an imposition of the “with us or against us” agenda is still debatable. However, the double game played by Musharraf by fighting militants on one hand and supporting the Taliban on the other was a vice, the impact of which continues to damage Pakistan, internally and externally. The rise of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in 2007, their growing foothold in the tribal areas and the subsequent loss of lives, the declining economy and infrastructure resulting from terrorism across the country, is a by-product of Musharraf’s double game. The downfall of Musharraf came soon after he imposed the state of emergency, thus suspending the Constitution of Pakistan. Musharraf’s Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO) and the state of emergency, both were declared unconstitutional and illegal by the Supreme Court. However, taking everything into account, people’s love-hate relationship with Musharraf reflects the merits and demerits of his rule. Musharraf was neither the best chief executive nor the worst military dictator. Keeping the biases aside, Musharraf needs to be criticised and appreciated for what he was and what he did. To conclude, for all the good and bad reasons, the former president will be remembered for a very long time. May he rest in peace.

from News Updates From Pakistan - Pakistani News - The Express Tribune https://ift.tt/OqZ3Lj8

Pervez Musharraf: A bittersweet era for Pakistan

February 5, 2023 marks the demise of former president General (retd) Pervez Musharraf. He was the fourth military dictator to abrogate the Constitution and establish legitimate rule over Pakistan. Although the martial law remains the biggest sin committed by Musharraf, his tenure as the president was not all that bad, compared to his predecessors and successors. There have been failures and achievements; drawbacks and advantages. All in all, people’s feelings towards Musharraf have been bittersweet as was his rule. As chief executive, Musharraf had undertaken various initiatives for the revival of economy, empowerment of women, devolution of power, representation of minorities, and press freedom. His economic policies revolved around liberalisation, deregulation and privatisation. The GDP growth of Pakistan was 3.9 per cent in 1999-2000, which rose to 6 per cent per year from 2000-2007 under Musharraf’s rule. The revenue collections increased from Rs308 billion in 1999 to Rs846 billion during 2007, whereas the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) increased from US$ 4.87 billion to US$ 13.195 billion. The foreign debt decreased from $38.5 billion to $34 billion. Pertaining to women empowerment, the steps undertaken by Musharraf have been tremendous. He endorsed the rights of women and empowered them in all walks of life. To increase women’s political representation, Musharraf had reintroduced the concept of reserved seats for women in the parliament, provincial assembly and the senate. Moreover, 33 per cent quota had been reserved for women in all three tiers of local government, under the Devolution Plan 2001. To enhance the role of women as decision-makers, six women were included in the federal cabinet and 10 per cent quota was reserved for women in Central Superior Services. Besides, certain other measures to empower women socially include the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2004, which was passed to ensure effective persecution of cases of honour killings; and the Protection of Women Act, 2006 which was put into place to amend the highly criticised Hudood Ordinance laws of 1979 and preserve justice and security for women. The female literacy rate during Musharraf’s era grew from 32 per cent in 1999 to 42 per cent in 2007. To ensure genuine local democracy, Musharraf had put forth the Devolution of Power Plan in 2001, in order to transfer the administration and finances to the local governments. Moreover, a private news channel revolution was witnessed during Musharraf’s tenure, who had created the operating space for the airing of private news channels. To increase the political representation of minorities, Musharraf reintroduced the joint electorate system to increase the political representation and influence of minorities. At a regional level, the most important milestone achieved by Musharraf was the revival of the Confidence Building Measures (CBM) between India and Pakistan, marked by the composite dialogues in 2004-2005 between Musharraf and Atal Bihari Vajpayee. The Four Point Formula put forth by Musharraf during the dialogues to resolve the long-standing Kashmir conflict have been very significant as it was acceptable to all three parties, India, Pakistan, and especially the Kashmiris. The CBMs, however, were soon disrupted, but the formula presented by Musharraf still remains a viable option to be considered in order to resolve the dispute. Despite what his rule has achieved, nothing can serve as a justification or a compensation for the illegitimate rule of Musharraf. The violation of the Constitution, at the hands of military dictators, time and again, has cost Pakistan a lot. Furthermore, Musharraf was a key ally of the US in the war on terror which resulted in the rise of terrorism across Pakistan. Whether it was Musharraf’s choice or an imposition of the “with us or against us” agenda is still debatable. However, the double game played by Musharraf by fighting militants on one hand and supporting the Taliban on the other was a vice, the impact of which continues to damage Pakistan, internally and externally. The rise of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in 2007, their growing foothold in the tribal areas and the subsequent loss of lives, the declining economy and infrastructure resulting from terrorism across the country, is a by-product of Musharraf’s double game. The downfall of Musharraf came soon after he imposed the state of emergency, thus suspending the Constitution of Pakistan. Musharraf’s Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO) and the state of emergency, both were declared unconstitutional and illegal by the Supreme Court. However, taking everything into account, people’s love-hate relationship with Musharraf reflects the merits and demerits of his rule. Musharraf was neither the best chief executive nor the worst military dictator. Keeping the biases aside, Musharraf needs to be criticised and appreciated for what he was and what he did. To conclude, for all the good and bad reasons, the former president will be remembered for a very long time. May he rest in peace.

from News Updates From Pakistan - Pakistani News - The Express Tribune https://ift.tt/OqZ3Lj8

Pervez Musharraf: A bittersweet era for Pakistan

February 5, 2023 marks the demise of former president General (retd) Pervez Musharraf. He was the fourth military dictator to abrogate the Constitution and establish legitimate rule over Pakistan. Although the martial law remains the biggest sin committed by Musharraf, his tenure as the president was not all that bad, compared to his predecessors and successors. There have been failures and achievements; drawbacks and advantages. All in all, people’s feelings towards Musharraf have been bittersweet as was his rule. As chief executive, Musharraf had undertaken various initiatives for the revival of economy, empowerment of women, devolution of power, representation of minorities, and press freedom. His economic policies revolved around liberalisation, deregulation and privatisation. The GDP growth of Pakistan was 3.9 per cent in 1999-2000, which rose to 6 per cent per year from 2000-2007 under Musharraf’s rule. The revenue collections increased from Rs308 billion in 1999 to Rs846 billion during 2007, whereas the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) increased from US$ 4.87 billion to US$ 13.195 billion. The foreign debt decreased from $38.5 billion to $34 billion. Pertaining to women empowerment, the steps undertaken by Musharraf have been tremendous. He endorsed the rights of women and empowered them in all walks of life. To increase women’s political representation, Musharraf had reintroduced the concept of reserved seats for women in the parliament, provincial assembly and the senate. Moreover, 33 per cent quota had been reserved for women in all three tiers of local government, under the Devolution Plan 2001. To enhance the role of women as decision-makers, six women were included in the federal cabinet and 10 per cent quota was reserved for women in Central Superior Services. Besides, certain other measures to empower women socially include the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2004, which was passed to ensure effective persecution of cases of honour killings; and the Protection of Women Act, 2006 which was put into place to amend the highly criticised Hudood Ordinance laws of 1979 and preserve justice and security for women. The female literacy rate during Musharraf’s era grew from 32 per cent in 1999 to 42 per cent in 2007. To ensure genuine local democracy, Musharraf had put forth the Devolution of Power Plan in 2001, in order to transfer the administration and finances to the local governments. Moreover, a private news channel revolution was witnessed during Musharraf’s tenure, who had created the operating space for the airing of private news channels. To increase the political representation of minorities, Musharraf reintroduced the joint electorate system to increase the political representation and influence of minorities. At a regional level, the most important milestone achieved by Musharraf was the revival of the Confidence Building Measures (CBM) between India and Pakistan, marked by the composite dialogues in 2004-2005 between Musharraf and Atal Bihari Vajpayee. The Four Point Formula put forth by Musharraf during the dialogues to resolve the long-standing Kashmir conflict have been very significant as it was acceptable to all three parties, India, Pakistan, and especially the Kashmiris. The CBMs, however, were soon disrupted, but the formula presented by Musharraf still remains a viable option to be considered in order to resolve the dispute. Despite what his rule has achieved, nothing can serve as a justification or a compensation for the illegitimate rule of Musharraf. The violation of the Constitution, at the hands of military dictators, time and again, has cost Pakistan a lot. Furthermore, Musharraf was a key ally of the US in the war on terror which resulted in the rise of terrorism across Pakistan. Whether it was Musharraf’s choice or an imposition of the “with us or against us” agenda is still debatable. However, the double game played by Musharraf by fighting militants on one hand and supporting the Taliban on the other was a vice, the impact of which continues to damage Pakistan, internally and externally. The rise of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in 2007, their growing foothold in the tribal areas and the subsequent loss of lives, the declining economy and infrastructure resulting from terrorism across the country, is a by-product of Musharraf’s double game. The downfall of Musharraf came soon after he imposed the state of emergency, thus suspending the Constitution of Pakistan. Musharraf’s Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO) and the state of emergency, both were declared unconstitutional and illegal by the Supreme Court. However, taking everything into account, people’s love-hate relationship with Musharraf reflects the merits and demerits of his rule. Musharraf was neither the best chief executive nor the worst military dictator. Keeping the biases aside, Musharraf needs to be criticised and appreciated for what he was and what he did. To conclude, for all the good and bad reasons, the former president will be remembered for a very long time. May he rest in peace.

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Lahore: From the city of gardens to a land of smog

When winter comes, it engulfs Lahore entirely and most parts of the Punjab province with fog and smog, leaving most of Lahoris wearing masks, enduring terrible cough and the air quality index dropping down to the lowest. Over the past decade or so, we have associated the winter season with a new kind of bitter memory and is no more as eagerly celebrated. Growing up in the city of Lahore, we do get to see almost every colour of mother nature. Lahore – the heart of Pakistan, the capital of the Punjab province, the city of gardens – has its own flare, colours and fragrances. It is this vibrancy of Lahore that makes it stand out among the other cities of Pakistan. It has been the centre of cultural activities even before the Mughals. There are always celebrations going on in every season. The arrival of spring announces a string of cultural and historical events that go on for months. Summer is welcomed with multicolour flowers and different festivities. Punjab is the most populous province in Pakistan, with an estimated population of 110 million people. Five cities in Punjab were listed among the 50 most polluted cities in the world in 2020. The current situation in Lahore is most alarming, with its fine particulate count repeatedly rising well above 40 times the World Health Organization’s air quality guideline values. The Global Alliance on Health and Pollution estimated in 2019 that 128,000 Pakistanis die annually due to air pollution-related illnesses. Reasons are numerous why air quality has been steadily declining in cities like Lahore. The problem includes vehicular emissions, industrial pollution, fossil fuel-fired power plants, burning waste materials, and burning coal by thousands of brick kilns scattered across the province, are all part of the problem. A 2020 source appropriation study by the Food and Agriculture Organisation singles out power producers and the transport sector in particular as the culprits. Over the past decade or so, Lahore has lost a significant proportion of its forestation due to an aggressive plan to build highways, underpasses and overpasses. Car sales in the city are booming, and many of the vehicles plying the roads spew toxic emissions due to a lack of vehicular inspections and widespread adulteration of fuel. Even the unadulterated form of fuel available in Lahore is of low quality. Alas! This problem has not only been wreaking havoc in Pakistan, but the same has happened in our neighbouring Indian Punjab as well, where life gets paralysed during winters due to deadly smog. In both countries, during the past few years, governments have taken some concrete steps to stop the farmers from stubble burning. It has helped a great deal in reducing smoke in the air. Another main reason for smog in Punjab is brick kilns. According to the latest survey, there are more than 8,000 brick kilns in Punjab alone. During the previous government, it was claimed that almost all of these kilns were converted to a new eco-friendly technology called “zigzag”. The new technology emits 60 per cent fewer carbon emissions and helps 30 per cent more savings for kiln owners. It merits mentioning here that Natural Draught Zigzag firing kiln is a continuous, cross-draught, moving fire kiln in which the air flows in a zigzag path due to the draught provided by a chimney. The International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMD) and National Energy Efficiency and Conservation Authority provided technical assistance to brick kiln owners, which was supported by the Punjab Environmental Protection Department and Provincial Disaster Management Authority (PDMA) Punjab. In the absence of comprehensive and concerted efforts to combat air pollution, Lahore, ironically known as the city of gardens, has been tragically choking on toxic air. However, all efforts should be appreciated that take the people of Punjab, especially Lahore, out of the misery of smog. It is being suggested that eco-friendly steps that have been taken in the recent past will help the environment improve and curb the amount of smog this season. Enforcement of the measures to stop the farmers from stubble burning has been implemented, and strict actions have been carried out against the perpetrators. These enforcements definitely helped the cause, as we, the residents of Lahore, always pray for a safe, smog-free, allergy-free winter season that can be celebrated. We want to enjoy the declining temperatures, we want to enjoy different delicious foods, and we would love to have a walk down the chilly streets of the city of gardens. It is our duty as citizens to take care of the environment around our city. We should carefully dispose of the garbage, and cooperate with different local environmental authorities. We have to curb transport and its pollution. Although there are fewer spews of smog as of now, yet we should take all the precautionary measures. Let’s hope for the restoration of the beauty of this season for our city of gardens and our Punjab province. Let’s hope that we may enjoy a cleaner and much safer winter this year.

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A culture of political assassinations

"Imran Khan narrowly survives an assassination attempt", reads a headline. The masses were shocked and infuriated at such an unfortunate happening. The incident was soon followed by a wave of furious protests across the country, with the protesting masses giving vent to anti-military rage. This is how the masses react to an attempt on the life of a populist leader. Political differences aside, assassinating a political figure just because he espouses a different political ideology is insane. Democracy doesn’t allow the use of such measures to gag an opposing political voice. In democracies, there is always recourse to peaceful political methods for winning over an opposition. Use of highhandedness for one’s inability to be politically prosperous is cowardly and non-democratic. However, what disturbs the mind of every sane person is that why attempting on the life of a political leader who has following in millions. This could have a shattering impact on Pakistan as the man is a messiah for such a large following, but it doesn't look like anyone is the least concerned about Pakistan's integrity anymore. This incident, moreover, could further escalate the tensions and polarise the Pakistani society. One wonders why there is no tolerance for anything of a different shade and colour in Pakistan and why one always should be from the mainstream in order to be safe. This a characteristic of fascism: zero tolerance for an opposing viewpoint. If the Pakistani society is intolerant of a different viewpoint, the society at large is fascistic. Sadly, Pakistan has historically been a place where assassination for political reason is a normal occurring. This tragic saga of assassinations started soon after Pakistan got independence in 1947. The first person who fell victim to political assassination was one of Pakistan’s founding fathers, Liaquat Ali Khan. Ironically, his assassin is yet to be discovered. Moreover, he is not the only one who has been assassinated for political reasons. A long list of political personalities have been assassinated to this day, which includes the famous Nawab Akbar Bugti, Benazir Bhutto and Khan Abdul Jabbar Khan. Moreover, the Bilour family of Peshawar should better be called a family of assassinated individuals, as many of the family members have been slain. However, what is upsetting is that the assassin’s identity in most of the cases is never discovered. In some cases, even the assassins are not even pursued. Pakistan, which brands itself as a democratic state, has all the aspects of a fascist state. Instead of having a culture of openness and tolerance, it has a culture of assassinations and repression. For democracy to flourish, a tolerant environment is required, which, however, is not the case in Pakistan. Moreover, Pakistan’s 1973 Constitution has expressly defended a person’s right to live. It has further disallowed the violation of this right in strong words. In addition to this, the Constitution has defended political rights of every person as well. Therefore, assassinating someone for political reasons is unconstitutional and punishable. The recent assassination attempt on such a popular political figure, while the country is reeling from an economic and political chaos, tantamount to an assault on the sovereignty of the nation. In an era of backbreaking inflation, soaring unemployment and terrorist resurgence, the introduction of such an incident is one step close to igniting a civil war. When the late Benazir Bhutto was at the height of her political career, those who couldn’t digest her success, wiped her out. Her assassination was followed by frenzied destruction from her indignant party workers and deep mourning from the people of Pakistan. Sadly, incidences of assassinations for political purposes have now become a norm in Pakistan. Less influential people have also been gunned down, citing political reasons. The murder of Nazim Jhokio is one such case. In such a toxic and dangerous political environment, the progress of society remains a pipe dream. As the Pakistani youth has already been disillusioned and disenchanted about the Pakistani society, maintaining such a dangerous political atmosphere for longer could lead to the dismemberment of Pakistan. Conclusively, this culture of assassinations must change. While polities across the world are progressing rapidly, Pakistan remains medieval and its political system sits atop the culture of assassinations. However, Pakistan’s need of the hour is tackling the economic turmoil and ensuring political stability, rather than allowing political and non-political elements to drag one another down the road of death and destruction. The state’s business is ensuring people’s safety, economic and political stability which, sadly, Pakistan is not doing. Its attention seems to be directed elsewhere.

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Moving beyond the Single National Curriculum

The Constitution of Pakistan mandates that the state provide free education up to the age of 16 for its citizens. This is a promise that has been continuously ignored by consecutive governments. Pakistan’s national literacy rate stands at 58 per cent in contrast to India and Bangladesh, both of whom will cross the 75 per cent threshold soon. The dynamics of gender disparity illustrate a gloomier situation: a female literacy rate of 46.5 per cent. Pakistan has nearly 22.8 million children between the ages of five to 16 out of school – a figure that is the second highest in the world. This is nothing short of a disaster waiting to unfold. Education reforms were a core focus of the former Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) government and the development of a single national curriculum (SNC) is lauded as an exemplary initiative by their supporters. Despite the praise the PTI government received, there are a plethora of problems in the schooling system that ought to be addressed. Pakistan’s schooling system can be divided in to three distinct categories. These include more than 120,583 private schools that meet the aspirations of the middle class (some also cater to low income households); approximately 137,079 government schools that serve the general public and almost 32,000 madrassahs and religious seminaries which function as the only abode for the underprivileged (figures may vary annually). The former prime minister publicly proclaimed his desire to bring all three classifications in alignment. However, the SNC by itself is not enough. The easy task of designing minimum standards for curriculum has been achieved. Now comes the hard part of implementing these throughout the country. This would entail addressing some of the most glaring shortfalls in the public education system, primarily the lack of schooling infrastructure in public schools, especially in the under developed areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa(KP), Balochistan and rural Sindh. Visiting these schools would alert observers to the absence of science and computer labs, the dearth of stationery and school books, and the blatant neglect towards accessible sanitation, especially when it comes to female bathrooms. Additionally, there are thousands of schools that exist on paper but in reality are mere heaps of brick and mortar. A study in Sindh exposed almost 10,000 ghost schools with teachers drawing salaries, but with no students or classes. This is exacerbated by the thousands of teachers who do show up at schools but only for a day or two. Sindh alone has such 18,000 teachers with abysmally low attendance rates. Even if teachers do show up, there are serious questions about the quality of instruction students obtain. A few years ago, a prominent news channel featured a documentary on public schools in rural Sindh. Unsurprisingly, the documentary exposed how many Grade 3 students failed to spell the words ‘cats’ or ‘dogs’ correctly, let alone compose a paragraph. When grilled about the performance of these students, a representative of the Education Board responded by pointing out the scarcity of proficient teachers and further remarked that teachers who were employed owed their appointments to political connections, not their academic/educational aptitude. Schools are only as good as the teachers they employ. For the millions of rural children, any hope of a bright future remains a distant dream. Predictably, regions with the lowest literacy rate such as Dera Bugti (six per cent) are also hotbeds for violence and social strife. The disproportionate divide between male and female literacy rates hinders gender empowerment. Kohistan in KP, with a female literacy rate of three per cent, features some of the highest statistics of under-age marriages in the country. The pitiable state of affordable education in undeveloped regions simply inhibits any chance of social progress there and aggravates the urban-rural divide. Compared to this, Bangladesh has made remarkable progress in improving female literacy, the effects of which can be seen by the increasing prominence of women in their economic development. Madrassahs and religious seminaries have their own set of issues that require inspection. Quite a number of seminaries are not registered with the government and operate with no oversight. It’s uncertain as to how many would actually embrace the curriculum. We also have to address the narrow world view and xenophobic tendencies that a few of these seminaries inculcate in their students. Simply teaching a few classes in English will have no benefit if they continue to indoctrinate their students to view Pakistani Christians, Hindus and Sikhs as ‘disbelievers’, instead of as fellow citizens that enjoy the same rights. Successful countries require egalitarian societies where citizens are not discriminated against on the basis of their religious beliefs. Not all seminaries inculcate bigoted views, but the ones that do need to be reprimanded. Madrassahs that do adopt the new curriculum will require trained teachers. Simply handing seminaries a copy of the new curriculum wouldn’t work and many would struggle in the absence of government support such as funding for science and computer labs or training programs for teachers Finally, we have to address the problem of the 22.8 million children out of school, i.e. the nine per cent of urban children and 23 per cent of rural children who never get the chance to attend a single class. This indicates that 61 per cent of children in Sindh, 78 per cent of children in Balochistan and 65 per cent of children in KP are deprived of any shot at social mobility, resulting in severe inequalities between and across the various provinces of Pakistan. The result is a sense of injustice and animosity among the citizens who reside in these regions – sentiments that are often directed at the state itself. Moreover, there is the assumption that students enrolled in schools actually attend classes regularly. As many studies indicate, a significant number of students in government schools have their names in school registers but haven’t attended classes for months. Dropout rates are also high, with many children from low income households leaving school after two or three years. Simply updating the curriculum standards or building additional schools will have little impact on these statistics. It is unrealistic to expect a child between the ages of 10 and 16 to enrol in Grade 1. When it comes to the aspiration of ensuring accessible education for these unfortunate individuals, the state has failed them. But this doesn’t mean that we abandon them. A better solution would entail establishing technical training institutions that offer job market-oriented training programs. This would focus on preparing students for jobs related to technical careers, for example, electricians, plumbers, construction workers, carpenters, chefs, tailors or surveyors etc. The National Vocational and Technical Training Commission (NAVTTC) supervises several such institutes and assures quality standards through its ‘Takamal Skill Verification Program’. Expanding this program and establishing more institutes by increasing government investment would improve prospects for children over the age of 10. Though the desire to implement uniform curriculum standards is a noble one, a comprehensive approach to the educational crises requires government investment in good quality school infrastructure. Not to mention an increase in the education budget. When government authorities do invest in school infrastructure, the results are laudable – improvements in education standards and enrolment rates in KP serve as an example. Simultaneously, the government must pay significant attention to teacher training programs aimed at improving the scholastic proficiencies of teachers. This could be accomplished by partnering with the local industry, non-government organisations (NGOs) and international organisations such as UNICEF, USAID and the EU. This ought to be followed up by working with publishers to improve the quality of affordable textbooks accessible in the market. Attendance rates of both school teachers and students can be improved by adopting digital monitoring apps and technologies such as Sindh School Daily Monitoring System (SSDMS). Private schools and charities can play a part by offering scholarships to students from underprivileged backgrounds in return for tax breaks. A comprehensive strategy would address the shortfalls of public schools and madrassahs by improving their quality and bringing them on par with private schools, not by dragging private schools down and vitiating them for some political point scoring about social equality.

from News Updates From Pakistan - Pakistani News - The Express Tribune https://ift.tt/0QZDX26

Moving beyond the Single National Curriculum

The Constitution of Pakistan mandates that the state provide free education up to the age of 16 for its citizens. This is a promise that has been continuously ignored by consecutive governments. Pakistan’s national literacy rate stands at 58 per cent in contrast to India and Bangladesh, both of whom will cross the 75 per cent threshold soon. The dynamics of gender disparity illustrate a gloomier situation: a female literacy rate of 46.5 per cent. Pakistan has nearly 22.8 million children between the ages of five to 16 out of school – a figure that is the second highest in the world. This is nothing short of a disaster waiting to unfold. Education reforms were a core focus of the former Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) government and the development of a single national curriculum (SNC) is lauded as an exemplary initiative by their supporters. Despite the praise the PTI government received, there are a plethora of problems in the schooling system that ought to be addressed. Pakistan’s schooling system can be divided in to three distinct categories. These include more than 120,583 private schools that meet the aspirations of the middle class (some also cater to low income households); approximately 137,079 government schools that serve the general public and almost 32,000 madrassahs and religious seminaries which function as the only abode for the underprivileged (figures may vary annually). The former prime minister publicly proclaimed his desire to bring all three classifications in alignment. However, the SNC by itself is not enough. The easy task of designing minimum standards for curriculum has been achieved. Now comes the hard part of implementing these throughout the country. This would entail addressing some of the most glaring shortfalls in the public education system, primarily the lack of schooling infrastructure in public schools, especially in the under developed areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa(KP), Balochistan and rural Sindh. Visiting these schools would alert observers to the absence of science and computer labs, the dearth of stationery and school books, and the blatant neglect towards accessible sanitation, especially when it comes to female bathrooms. Additionally, there are thousands of schools that exist on paper but in reality are mere heaps of brick and mortar. A study in Sindh exposed almost 10,000 ghost schools with teachers drawing salaries, but with no students or classes. This is exacerbated by the thousands of teachers who do show up at schools but only for a day or two. Sindh alone has such 18,000 teachers with abysmally low attendance rates. Even if teachers do show up, there are serious questions about the quality of instruction students obtain. A few years ago, a prominent news channel featured a documentary on public schools in rural Sindh. Unsurprisingly, the documentary exposed how many Grade 3 students failed to spell the words ‘cats’ or ‘dogs’ correctly, let alone compose a paragraph. When grilled about the performance of these students, a representative of the Education Board responded by pointing out the scarcity of proficient teachers and further remarked that teachers who were employed owed their appointments to political connections, not their academic/educational aptitude. Schools are only as good as the teachers they employ. For the millions of rural children, any hope of a bright future remains a distant dream. Predictably, regions with the lowest literacy rate such as Dera Bugti (six per cent) are also hotbeds for violence and social strife. The disproportionate divide between male and female literacy rates hinders gender empowerment. Kohistan in KP, with a female literacy rate of three per cent, features some of the highest statistics of under-age marriages in the country. The pitiable state of affordable education in undeveloped regions simply inhibits any chance of social progress there and aggravates the urban-rural divide. Compared to this, Bangladesh has made remarkable progress in improving female literacy, the effects of which can be seen by the increasing prominence of women in their economic development. Madrassahs and religious seminaries have their own set of issues that require inspection. Quite a number of seminaries are not registered with the government and operate with no oversight. It’s uncertain as to how many would actually embrace the curriculum. We also have to address the narrow world view and xenophobic tendencies that a few of these seminaries inculcate in their students. Simply teaching a few classes in English will have no benefit if they continue to indoctrinate their students to view Pakistani Christians, Hindus and Sikhs as ‘disbelievers’, instead of as fellow citizens that enjoy the same rights. Successful countries require egalitarian societies where citizens are not discriminated against on the basis of their religious beliefs. Not all seminaries inculcate bigoted views, but the ones that do need to be reprimanded. Madrassahs that do adopt the new curriculum will require trained teachers. Simply handing seminaries a copy of the new curriculum wouldn’t work and many would struggle in the absence of government support such as funding for science and computer labs or training programs for teachers Finally, we have to address the problem of the 22.8 million children out of school, i.e. the nine per cent of urban children and 23 per cent of rural children who never get the chance to attend a single class. This indicates that 61 per cent of children in Sindh, 78 per cent of children in Balochistan and 65 per cent of children in KP are deprived of any shot at social mobility, resulting in severe inequalities between and across the various provinces of Pakistan. The result is a sense of injustice and animosity among the citizens who reside in these regions – sentiments that are often directed at the state itself. Moreover, there is the assumption that students enrolled in schools actually attend classes regularly. As many studies indicate, a significant number of students in government schools have their names in school registers but haven’t attended classes for months. Dropout rates are also high, with many children from low income households leaving school after two or three years. Simply updating the curriculum standards or building additional schools will have little impact on these statistics. It is unrealistic to expect a child between the ages of 10 and 16 to enrol in Grade 1. When it comes to the aspiration of ensuring accessible education for these unfortunate individuals, the state has failed them. But this doesn’t mean that we abandon them. A better solution would entail establishing technical training institutions that offer job market-oriented training programs. This would focus on preparing students for jobs related to technical careers, for example, electricians, plumbers, construction workers, carpenters, chefs, tailors or surveyors etc. The National Vocational and Technical Training Commission (NAVTTC) supervises several such institutes and assures quality standards through its ‘Takamal Skill Verification Program’. Expanding this program and establishing more institutes by increasing government investment would improve prospects for children over the age of 10. Though the desire to implement uniform curriculum standards is a noble one, a comprehensive approach to the educational crises requires government investment in good quality school infrastructure. Not to mention an increase in the education budget. When government authorities do invest in school infrastructure, the results are laudable – improvements in education standards and enrolment rates in KP serve as an example. Simultaneously, the government must pay significant attention to teacher training programs aimed at improving the scholastic proficiencies of teachers. This could be accomplished by partnering with the local industry, non-government organisations (NGOs) and international organisations such as UNICEF, USAID and the EU. This ought to be followed up by working with publishers to improve the quality of affordable textbooks accessible in the market. Attendance rates of both school teachers and students can be improved by adopting digital monitoring apps and technologies such as Sindh School Daily Monitoring System (SSDMS). Private schools and charities can play a part by offering scholarships to students from underprivileged backgrounds in return for tax breaks. A comprehensive strategy would address the shortfalls of public schools and madrassahs by improving their quality and bringing them on par with private schools, not by dragging private schools down and vitiating them for some political point scoring about social equality.

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Reviewing the Transgender Persons Act is not about religion, but about politics

The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, passed in 2018 for the purpose of providing fundamental human rights to the Khwajasira (transgender) community of Pakistan, has recently sparked a new debate in the country. Four years after the bill’s passing in the parliament, right-wing political parties have come forward to condemn the bill as they believe that the bill promotes “homosexuality” and “anyone can get his/her sex changed”, which might lead to “new social problems”. A large number of people started supporting this agenda on social media as a result of disinformation being spread by the religio-political parties. This piece is aimed to analyse those clauses of the Transgender Persons Act that are being twisted to present a certain false narrative, the way transgender persons see this debate, and what can be the impact of this incitement of hatred against transgender individuals. The bill starts with the definition of a transgender person as: (a) intersex with mixture of male and female genital features, (b) eunuch who is assigned male at birth but later undergoes surgery, (c) a transgender person whose gender identity differs from the social expectations of the gender they were assigned at birth. The second chapter of the bill talks about the recognition of the identity of transgender persons by maintaining that these individuals can get themselves identified on the basis of “self-perceived identity” under the provisions of this bill. In other words, any person who falls under the category of any of the aforementioned three clauses can get registered as a transgender. In the Computerized National Identity Card (CNIC), there are three options provided for gender: ‘M’ for males, ‘F’ for females, and after the Transgender Persons Act 2018, transgender individuals can register as ‘X’. The remaining chapters of the bill discuss the prohibition of discrimination against trans people, government’s obligations towards this community, and the protection of rights of this gender group. Now, right-wing parties have misinterpreted the definition of “transgender” mentioned in the bill to further their political agendas under the pretext of homosexuality. If we probe into the relationship among gender identity, gender expression and gender assigned at birth, Iran is one of the Muslim countries that can be taken as an example to understand the situation from an Islamic perspective. In Iran, homosexuality is a punishable crime, where punishment ranges from receiving lashings to death sentences. However, Iran is also one of the Muslim countries which gives its trans citizens the right to have their gender identity acknowledged and recognised by law. Since the Islamic Revolution in Iran, a fatwa was passed to declare hormone-replacement therapy and gender-confirmation surgery as religiously acceptable procedures. Pakistan’s law minister, Azam Nazeer Tarar, mentioned in a press conference that the bill was passed in 2018 after seeking approval from the Islamic Ideology Council of Pakistan as well as the religious leadership in the parliament. Rehashing this debate, four years after the bill was passed, is nothing more than a political stratagem using the religion card. To discuss the delicacy of this matter, I spoke to a transgender medical student in Karachi, Masooma, who said: “A large number of transgender people have been killed in Karachi and other areas after the hate speeches made by some religious political parties. Various politicians belonging to these religious parties are running a vendetta against the Transgender Persons Act under the guise of stopping ‘same sex marriages’, but they have failed to bring up even a single clause of the Act which states anything regarding the marriage or family of transgender people. They are making a whole lot of fuss about an issue that has not even been talked about in the said Act.” There is also a debate going on among the religious vendettas about the medical examination of transgender people before issuing them their CNICs. Sharing her views on the issue, Masooma stated: “No medical diagnostic procedure or equipment is available in Pakistan to declare certain individuals as truly trans-persons, and the bill gives no one a free hand to get their gender documented as per their own wish. No one can do that.” To invigorate this argument, the National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA) does not have a record of even a single registration where a man masqueraded himself to be a woman on his CNIC and vice versa since the passing of this bill in 2018. This fact alone contradicts the narrative being put forward by the religious political parties. Other activists also maintain that no provision is available in the laws or Islamic jurisprudence in Pakistan regarding the marriage of transgender people. “If a man has a gender identity conflict and goes to NADRA to get his gender changed in the documents, his gender will be changed from that of M (male) to X (transgender). Pakistan is a country where no marriage law exists for the transgender persons,” quotes Mehrub Moiz Awan, a popular and vocal transgender activist. Hence, creating an issue out of a non-existent aspect is totally baseless and is only being done to bag votes in the upcoming elections next year. The transgender community is putting in their maximum effort to let their voices be heard but a large part of the population tends to believe in the concocted religious descriptions without investigating the true nature of the issue. Ultimately, this is resulting in an increase in violence and hatred against the transgender community, who are already a marginalised segment of our society.

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De-schooling: A solution for millions of out-of-school children

According to a UNICEF report, around 22.8 million children between the ages of five to16 are out of school in Pakistan. Unsurprisingly, these kids can neither read nor write, as a result of which they are labelled as illiterate or uneducated. Some scholars believe that such labelling is unjustified because children do not stay out of school purposely or willingly. Their socio-economic conditions or even geographical locations don’t allow them to join a school. Therefore, children have not failed to reach school; the school has failed to reach these children. The solution suggested in this case is a concept known as ‘de-schooling’, which is defined as ‘the process of adapting to a less formal education where children often take control of what and how to learn’. This refers to alternative modes of learning. Although such modes of learning already exist in Pakistan, out-of-school children cannot benefit from them due to lack of awareness, language barriers, and seemingly no financial rewards. Initially, Austrian philosopher Ivan Illich invented the concept of de-schooling in 1971. He stated in his book that de-schooling ‘allows the learner to choose what they will learn, from whom they will learn, and why they will learn’. Some researchers believe that initiatives such as Khan Academy and Peer 2 Peer University (P2PU) exemplify de-schooling. Additionally, free massive open online courses (MOOCs) offered on platforms such as FutureLearn, Coursera, Edx and others are alternatives to school-based education. Even in the context of Pakistan, Sabaq.pk and other digital platforms are offering content which is accessible to anyone with a stable internet connection. However, thousands of children still cannot benefit from them. Despite the fact that these resources are just a click away, millions of children are still unaware of them. Many children living and working in urban centres do not know about these platforms, let alone those living in rural areas. As a result of this gap, they cannot make use of such vital platforms. However, even if these children were to have knowledge of these modes of learning, they would still need some technological assistance to learn through them. In this regard, small scale awareness seminars can be arranged on tehsil levels to better reach these children. Furthermore, some hands-on workshops can be conducted so that children can learn how to access material through smart phones. Apart from lack of awareness, language is another big barrier to overcome. Although some of the content on the aforementioned Pakistani digital platforms is in Urdu, the website navigation and a lot of other details and instructions are in English. This makes the content inaccessible in the first place. Additionally, the psychological fear of English spoken among other students keeps them from further exploring these websites. Translating the websites in Urdu or a local language can help children navigate through the tools easily with little or no technological or otherwise outside assistance. More importantly, children spending time on learning through these channels will eventually be beneficial for their household incomes. Especially in rural areas and low-income households, children are generally not encouraged to seek education or any kind of activity without a purpose of earning. In such situations, they can never get an education, no matter how convenient it is. Not a single child will invest time in doing something that does not have financial rewards. After all, their families rely on them to provide for the household. Ultimately, in my opinion, the idea is to incentivise learning by giving monthly scholarships to those who show a proficiency in a certain skill or in a subject. Their proficiency can easily be tested through annual or semi-annual exams in local schools or vocational centres. Post COVID-19, we have seen how fluid education can be. Traditional ways of learning and attending schools in-person is no longer compulsory in order for children to learn. Online classes can do for children as much or if not more than having to spend hours inside a school. Thus, children can truly benefit from e-educational platforms if the government thinks seriously about educating all the children of this country. In conclusion, our educational infrastructure will take years to develop if we want 22.8 million out-of-school children to be in school. De-schooling can be the way forward. With wonders of technology and so many digital resources available, we need to do very little to make schools reach these children instead of asking children to come to school.

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De-schooling: A solution for millions of out-of-school children

According to a UNICEF report, around 22.8 million children between the ages of five to16 are out of school in Pakistan. Unsurprisingly, these kids can neither read nor write, as a result of which they are labelled as illiterate or uneducated. Some scholars believe that such labelling is unjustified because children do not stay out of school purposely or willingly. Their socio-economic conditions or even geographical locations don’t allow them to join a school. Therefore, children have not failed to reach school; the school has failed to reach these children. The solution suggested in this case is a concept known as ‘de-schooling’, which is defined as ‘the process of adapting to a less formal education where children often take control of what and how to learn’. This refers to alternative modes of learning. Although such modes of learning already exist in Pakistan, out-of-school children cannot benefit from them due to lack of awareness, language barriers, and seemingly no financial rewards. Initially, Austrian philosopher Ivan Illich invented the concept of de-schooling in 1971. He stated in his book that de-schooling ‘allows the learner to choose what they will learn, from whom they will learn, and why they will learn’. Some researchers believe that initiatives such as Khan Academy and Peer 2 Peer University (P2PU) exemplify de-schooling. Additionally, free massive open online courses (MOOCs) offered on platforms such as FutureLearn, Coursera, Edx and others are alternatives to school-based education. Even in the context of Pakistan, Sabaq.pk and other digital platforms are offering content which is accessible to anyone with a stable internet connection. However, thousands of children still cannot benefit from them. Despite the fact that these resources are just a click away, millions of children are still unaware of them. Many children living and working in urban centres do not know about these platforms, let alone those living in rural areas. As a result of this gap, they cannot make use of such vital platforms. However, even if these children were to have knowledge of these modes of learning, they would still need some technological assistance to learn through them. In this regard, small scale awareness seminars can be arranged on tehsil levels to better reach these children. Furthermore, some hands-on workshops can be conducted so that children can learn how to access material through smart phones. Apart from lack of awareness, language is another big barrier to overcome. Although some of the content on the aforementioned Pakistani digital platforms is in Urdu, the website navigation and a lot of other details and instructions are in English. This makes the content inaccessible in the first place. Additionally, the psychological fear of English spoken among other students keeps them from further exploring these websites. Translating the websites in Urdu or a local language can help children navigate through the tools easily with little or no technological or otherwise outside assistance. More importantly, children spending time on learning through these channels will eventually be beneficial for their household incomes. Especially in rural areas and low-income households, children are generally not encouraged to seek education or any kind of activity without a purpose of earning. In such situations, they can never get an education, no matter how convenient it is. Not a single child will invest time in doing something that does not have financial rewards. After all, their families rely on them to provide for the household. Ultimately, in my opinion, the idea is to incentivise learning by giving monthly scholarships to those who show a proficiency in a certain skill or in a subject. Their proficiency can easily be tested through annual or semi-annual exams in local schools or vocational centres. Post COVID-19, we have seen how fluid education can be. Traditional ways of learning and attending schools in-person is no longer compulsory in order for children to learn. Online classes can do for children as much or if not more than having to spend hours inside a school. Thus, children can truly benefit from e-educational platforms if the government thinks seriously about educating all the children of this country. In conclusion, our educational infrastructure will take years to develop if we want 22.8 million out-of-school children to be in school. De-schooling can be the way forward. With wonders of technology and so many digital resources available, we need to do very little to make schools reach these children instead of asking children to come to school.

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A tragedy for Balochistan is a tragedy for Pakistan

Balochistan is Pakistan’s largest province by area, the smallest by population and the richest by resource. You might have crammed these facts and much more about the province in your Pakistan Studies textbook. You might have also learnt, not through your textbook though, that it is the most deprived and underdeveloped area, despite its mineral affluence. However, even after being aware of these pertinent facts about the province, you wouldn’t have, in all probability, ever been compelled to dig deep into the complexities of the issues of Balochistan, nor would you have had the urge to visit and explore this vast and beautiful barrenness (unless you are a travel aficionado or a family member of someone in the security forces). I have been lucky enough to get the opportunity of inhabiting and exploring the province in the late 1990s when my father was posted in the Frontier Corps (FC) Balochistan. The city of Turbat, surrounded by the very interesting landscape of Central Makran Range, homed people from across Pakistan. I studied in a school that had teachers from all ethnicities in a class that had students from all provinces. It was an era of coherence – of blossoming brotherhoods, as it would appear, on the surface of Balochistan. As a teenager, I was absorbing the beautiful diversity of not just landscape but also of humankind – both summing up to inflate my patriotism. Fast forward to present day, 20 years later, when the region is hit by yet another massive flood – for it was hit by a terrible one in 1998 and several times in between – I recall and relive how my affinity with Balochistan evolved over all these years. In these two decades that followed my stay, all did not stay well in the province. For I have heard several news of the killing of ‘non- locals’ in Balochistan, predominantly that of the Punjabis. I have mourned the murders of school teachers, college principles and even barbers of diverse origins that had settled there for decades, apparently by the insurgents and separatist wings. While hundreds were killed sporadically in several districts all these years, thousands had to exit for survival, leaving behind successful jobs, established businesses and their homes. Though the situation has been far more complex than many of us can fathom, the consequences of these atrocious acts have been glaringly obvious for non-locals as well as Balochs. In this series of unfortunate events stands out the murder of the popular Baloch leader Nawab Akbar Bugti in 2006. Amongst many of its bleak repercussions was an acceleration in the interethnic friction and killings. When has the killing of a prominent figure been curative? What such unpopular acts, however, do is re-kindle and surge fanaticism – they pave ways for the foreign agendas to add fuel to the fire. You may wonder what initially caused the locals to foster these feelings against other ethnic groups. Well, perhaps they have been told or maybe felt since their childhoods, that the rest of Pakistan has exploited their resources. Their feelings are, in fact, neither entirely justified nor completely groundless either. Of course, there is no explicit policy of discrimination but its existence cannot be denied altogether, but is it as blatant as it is claimed? Being deprived of the rightful share of its own gas resources for the last 70 years is the most debated grievance of Balochistan. Despite being the second largest producer of natural gas, the widening distrust between Balochistan and the rest of the country makes sense. But are they right in holding only the federal government accountable for this unjust distribution? How serious have the provincial governments appeared in the widespread delivery across Balochistan ever since the discovery of this reservoir in 1952? Has a substantial and sustainable solution ever been proposed by them especially keeping in mind the inherent logistic challenges in this context? These are all extremely important questions to be taken into consideration while understanding the current situation of Balochistan. People have been exploited at the hands of their own political elite but what has enabled their unabated exploitation? The political figures and the tribe heads keep them debilitated enough never to raise heads; subjugated enough never to raise a question. Perhaps the people have been made to believe that their leaders and civil administrators deliver to their maximum capacity, which is inherently limited. However, that is not the entire truth. The fact of the matter is that power has been decentralised since 2010 as per the 18th Amendment to Pakistan’s Constitution and despite the devolution, the region stays in abject poverty and adversity. Furthermore, amidst the province’s dismal infrastructure, what continues to swell and progress is the bank balance of the ruling elite. While there is a reality in the sense of deprivation, it is also a fact that the grievances of the Baloch people have been manipulated against other ethnicities rather than effectively being addressed, and while it has been a common practice to scapegoat Punjab and other areas, the fact that the dominant majority of Punjab is equally deprived and miserable is largely ignored. This brings me to the current record-breaking monsoon rainfall which has wreaked havoc not just in Balochistan but also in Sindh and Punjab. The existing infrastructure in Balochistan, too inadequate to survive the deluge, gave in quickly to the unyielding rainfall and flash floods, submerging almost 34 districts and leaving behind over three and a half lacs Baloch individuals vulnerable, unassisted, unfed, and uncovered. The civil administration perhaps is glad that the flaws and deficiencies of the infrastructure have also been washed away with the flood, and also content at the prospect of receiving another set of funds to construct another set of substandard constructions. As the ongoing monsoon inundates the vastness of Balochistan, it makes us ask certain questions and reach some realisations. The rains have fully exposed the deficiencies of National Disaster Management Authority (NMDA), Provincial Disaster Management Authority (PDMA) and other civil authorities in issuing timely warnings, implementing the evacuation strategies and also the faulty infrastructure on account of local and national corruption. Thus, this unprecedented human tragedy that has hit the entire country, putting people from all provinces in this together, has made us realise that we are all equally plagued by profoundly inefficient institutions. We need to question the insufficient spending of provincial funds in Balochistan and in other downtrodden areas. We need to tell that the Zakat money spent as ‘rescue’ money can never be a substitute for properly and adequately spent provincial funds. In order to realise our collective vulnerabilities, we must check the breeding animosities among us, before it is too late. The people of Balochistan are beautiful and loveable; they deserve dire attention by provincial and national authorities alike. They don't deserve to be in this constant environment of mistrust – to be exploited at the hands of the separatist minds and at the hands of political elite. Let's sensitize ourselves to each other’s pain. Let’s learn that our survival depends on our harmonious coexistence. Let's try to know when, how and what went wrong in Balochistan and between us. It is time we realise that Balochistan is not just Balochistan. Balochistan is Pakistan!

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The systematic persecution of minorities for political mileage

A few days ago, I wrote a blog on a shameful incident in Faisalabad involving the arrest of three Ahmadi individuals for practicing the Islamic ritual of animal sacrifice, otherwise known as "Qurbani" in Urdu. The incident shocked me for two reasons. First was the sheer inhumanity of arresting someone for an act which is performed by millions in Pakistan. Second, because the said individuals were performing the ritual within the confinement of their own homes, which means technically, they were not violating Section 298-C of the Pakistan Penal Code, which prohibits any person of the Ahmadi sect from calling himself a Muslim or preaching or propagating his faith. Notwithstanding the draconian nature of the said law, the arrested Ahmadis were not violating it any ways. Condemning the incident, I wrote, “From policing their behaviour in public, we have now started to breach the privacy of their homes and in doing so are forcefully stripping them of their human dignity and respect completely.” At that point, I thought we had reached the lowest possible level of our moral bankruptcy. Little did I know that when it comes to Ahmadis, both our state and the society have an amazing capacity to constantly outdo all our previous misdeeds. Since then, two similar incidents have come to surface, which again have left me completely stunned. First, the government of Chaudary Pervaiz Elahi, immediately after taking over Punjab, decided to amend the nikkah nama form by including the clause about belief in finality of Prophethood. Second, in another and even more troubling development, Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q) leader Malik Ilyas Awan submitted a letter to the deputy commissioner of Khushab, requesting him to take away security from the Ahmadi residents of the region, while also calling for their eviction from Khushab. While the Eid incident demonstrated bigotry and hatred at the general population level, what makes these two latest developments particularly shocking is involvement of the government. When such steps are taken by the government, then it means that it has abandoned its basic responsibility of provision of safety and protection to all its citizens and has become completely partisan against a minority and in the process increasingly showing traits of a quasi-fascist state. The updating of nikkah nama is the continuation of the long trend of including such clauses in various government documents. This step was not needed as such since this requirement is already present in many identification documents. Moreover, the Muslim Family Law is not a provincial subject and yet the Punjab government decided to take this step. In my opinion, it does not serve any purpose except to further promote and institutionalise discrimination against Ahmadis for the purpose of extracting political mileage. This was first proposed in March 2022, before the no-confidence motion and even at that time there was criticism from the liberal quarters that the sole purpose of this was nothing but petty political gains. Now, after “retaking” Punjab, the PTI and PML-Q coalition immediately enacted the bill they had proposed in March. One reason as to why they have done so is that in recent by-elections, which they won convincingly, they played on a religious wicket in order to outflank the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP). They were so effective in their campaign of whipping up religion, including the finality of Prophethood issue, that TLP witnessed its share plung to merely 5%. Since the issue of finality of Prophethood is intrinsically linked with Ahmadis, therefore, whenever it is raised for the sake of extracting political mileage, they end up getting victimised. Since the coalition had already charged up its base by using this tactic, it has now tried to demonstrate that those had not been just “empty slogans” after taking over. In other words, the coalition has tried to prove its “commitment” to the issue. Due to recent sloganeering, the issue has gained strength and as a result, the second development, – i.e. request from PLM-Q to expel Ahmadis and removal of their security – can also be understood in the same context. It is a continuation of the trend in which religion, particularly the issue of finality of Prophethood, is raised, followed by some measure against the already marginalised Ahmadi community. As I mentioned in my old blog, although all minorities in Pakistan suffer from discrimination, the treatment meted out to Ahmadis is by far the worst. There is what I call "Ahmadi exceptionalism" in Pakistan. And the way things are going, I really don’t see an end to this pattern. I genuinely fear that the tactics used by PTI will now be adopted by other parties such as Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and TLP with even greater vigor in the future. Two years ago, in a piece about the politicisation of the Ahmadi issue, I wrote: “Academic Sadia Saeed has identified three state responses, each one harsher than the previous, over the Ahmadi issue. First was accommodation, when in 1953 the state curbed anti-Ahmadi agitation; second was exclusion, when the state declared them non-Muslims in 1974; and the third was criminalisation under the Ziaul Haq regime, where anti-Ahmadi ordinances were introduced. The way we are regressing, I am afraid that a fourth one is not far away: ethnic cleansing or forced displacement of Ahmadis from Pakistan.” I think with these recent developments, the fourth stage has started. We are now creating circumstances where it is impossible for Ahmadis, who are as much as Pakistanis as all of us, to live in this country. In doing so, we are depriving them of even basic human dignity and right to live while we are ourselves are morphing into a bigoted, hate-filled and cruel society. May God help and show us the right path which is of kindness and empathy.

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The systematic persecution of minorities for political mileage

A few days ago, I wrote a blog on a shameful incident in Faisalabad involving the arrest of three Ahmadi individuals for practicing the Islamic ritual of animal sacrifice, otherwise known as "Qurbani" in Urdu. The incident shocked me for two reasons. First was the sheer inhumanity of arresting someone for an act which is performed by millions in Pakistan. Second, because the said individuals were performing the ritual within the confinement of their own homes, which means technically, they were not violating Section 298-C of the Pakistan Penal Code, which prohibits any person of the Ahmadi sect from calling himself a Muslim or preaching or propagating his faith. Notwithstanding the draconian nature of the said law, the arrested Ahmadis were not violating it any ways. Condemning the incident, I wrote, “From policing their behaviour in public, we have now started to breach the privacy of their homes and in doing so are forcefully stripping them of their human dignity and respect completely.” At that point, I thought we had reached the lowest possible level of our moral bankruptcy. Little did I know that when it comes to Ahmadis, both our state and the society have an amazing capacity to constantly outdo all our previous misdeeds. Since then, two similar incidents have come to surface, which again have left me completely stunned. First, the government of Chaudary Pervaiz Elahi, immediately after taking over Punjab, decided to amend the nikkah nama form by including the clause about belief in finality of Prophethood. Second, in another and even more troubling development, Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q) leader Malik Ilyas Awan submitted a letter to the deputy commissioner of Khushab, requesting him to take away security from the Ahmadi residents of the region, while also calling for their eviction from Khushab. While the Eid incident demonstrated bigotry and hatred at the general population level, what makes these two latest developments particularly shocking is involvement of the government. When such steps are taken by the government, then it means that it has abandoned its basic responsibility of provision of safety and protection to all its citizens and has become completely partisan against a minority and in the process increasingly showing traits of a quasi-fascist state. The updating of nikkah nama is the continuation of the long trend of including such clauses in various government documents. This step was not needed as such since this requirement is already present in many identification documents. Moreover, the Muslim Family Law is not a provincial subject and yet the Punjab government decided to take this step. In my opinion, it does not serve any purpose except to further promote and institutionalise discrimination against Ahmadis for the purpose of extracting political mileage. This was first proposed in March 2022, before the no-confidence motion and even at that time there was criticism from the liberal quarters that the sole purpose of this was nothing but petty political gains. Now, after “retaking” Punjab, the PTI and PML-Q coalition immediately enacted the bill they had proposed in March. One reason as to why they have done so is that in recent by-elections, which they won convincingly, they played on a religious wicket in order to outflank the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP). They were so effective in their campaign of whipping up religion, including the finality of Prophethood issue, that TLP witnessed its share plung to merely 5%. Since the issue of finality of Prophethood is intrinsically linked with Ahmadis, therefore, whenever it is raised for the sake of extracting political mileage, they end up getting victimised. Since the coalition had already charged up its base by using this tactic, it has now tried to demonstrate that those had not been just “empty slogans” after taking over. In other words, the coalition has tried to prove its “commitment” to the issue. Due to recent sloganeering, the issue has gained strength and as a result, the second development, – i.e. request from PLM-Q to expel Ahmadis and removal of their security – can also be understood in the same context. It is a continuation of the trend in which religion, particularly the issue of finality of Prophethood, is raised, followed by some measure against the already marginalised Ahmadi community. As I mentioned in my old blog, although all minorities in Pakistan suffer from discrimination, the treatment meted out to Ahmadis is by far the worst. There is what I call "Ahmadi exceptionalism" in Pakistan. And the way things are going, I really don’t see an end to this pattern. I genuinely fear that the tactics used by PTI will now be adopted by other parties such as Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and TLP with even greater vigor in the future. Two years ago, in a piece about the politicisation of the Ahmadi issue, I wrote: “Academic Sadia Saeed has identified three state responses, each one harsher than the previous, over the Ahmadi issue. First was accommodation, when in 1953 the state curbed anti-Ahmadi agitation; second was exclusion, when the state declared them non-Muslims in 1974; and the third was criminalisation under the Ziaul Haq regime, where anti-Ahmadi ordinances were introduced. The way we are regressing, I am afraid that a fourth one is not far away: ethnic cleansing or forced displacement of Ahmadis from Pakistan.” I think with these recent developments, the fourth stage has started. We are now creating circumstances where it is impossible for Ahmadis, who are as much as Pakistanis as all of us, to live in this country. In doing so, we are depriving them of even basic human dignity and right to live while we are ourselves are morphing into a bigoted, hate-filled and cruel society. May God help and show us the right path which is of kindness and empathy.

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The return of Imran Khan?

The people have given their verdict in a very high stakes by-elections on 20 seats and, in a performance which has stunned both the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and experts alike, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) has ended up winning 15 seats. In normal times, this would have not been considered a great performance as PTI apparently lost 25% of the seats it had previously won in the previous election. However, these are not normal times as Hamza Shahbaz’s government’s survival was dependent on winning at least 10 seats, which made the stakes much higher. Secondly, and more importantly, 11 of these seats had been won by independent candidates in the 2018 elections who later joined PTI due to Jehangir Tareen’s personal efforts. In other words, these defectors had their own substantial vote bank in those constituencies and therefore it was expected that PTI would really struggle to win even a handful of these seats. The third factor was that in 2018, the Pakistani establishment had actively supported PTI, something which was completely absent this time around. Although the establishment did not create hurdles for PTI, at the same time, the party was basically on its own and fighting an opponent on its own turf who had government machinery at its disposal. Due to the aforementioned factors, this performance could be considered stellar and a game changer for the party, not only for its immediate prospects in Punjab but also for the next General Elections. The PTI has ended up gaining seats in a real sense. Some political commentators are right when they say that for the first time Imran Khan has truly arrived as a leader and is in a very good position to win the upcoming General Elections. Some are even projecting a two-thirds majority. So how did this happen? I think the reasons have to do with the interplay between the existing polarisation in society, the nature of Imran’s own support base, the way he was ousted from power, and his narrative which resonated with his base. Additionally, PTI campaigned hard, leveraging its workers as well as its huge social media footprint far more effectively than PML-N. Its leadership was also more engaged than that of PML-N, which at times seemed that it was taking things for granted. Also, the timing of Imran’s ouster proved costly for the PML-N-led government because they had to take tough economic decisions which, though economically essential, proved politically damaging. Firstly, Pakistani society for the past decade has become very politically polarised, and Imran himself has played an active role in this. When polarisation occurs, the supporters of a particular party start developing intense hatred towards other parties and consequently are more likely to actually go out and vote. PTI’s support base in any case is more like a personality cult than a political party, and therefore much more likely to vote in a polarised and politically charged atmosphere. The way Imran was removed through the no-confidence motion further increased the polarisation by bestowing upon him the status of a “lone warrior”, and allowed him to build a very effective narrative of foreign conspiracy. This narrative, though completely baseless, allowed him to shift the focus away from glaring economic failures of his three-and-half year’s rule, and frame his core message around patriotism and religion while enabling him to paint his opponents as anti-Pakistan and foreign agents. As already stated, this narrative was baseless, but it nevertheless charged up his own base. Furthermore, to his credit, Imran and his team campaigned very hard, drawing mammoth crowds everywhere he went, whereas PML-N ran a lackluster campaign. The PML-N was also without an effective slogan as “Vote Ko Izzat Do” had now become laughably redundant because of its collaboration with the establishment. Moreover, PTI also leveraged its social media presence brilliantly and flooded various platforms, particularly Twitter, with trends like 'Imported government unaccepted', promoting the main PTI narrative of regime change incessantly. On the other hand, PML-N’s social media presence was not even remotely comparable. Secondly, PML-N inherited the reins of government at a time when taking difficult decisions had become inevitable due to an unsustainable current account deficit. A few weeks ago, I had written that it would be better for Shahbaz Sharif to dissolve the government and let a caretaker setup take over so that difficult decisions could be taken. However, much to my surprise, the PML-N led government decided to stay and brave the storm. Initially, Shahbaz had tried his level best to avoid removing the fuel subsidy and increasing the power tariff. Due to the worsening deficit, the dollar continued to slide, raising fears that Pakistan may be heading for a Sri Lanka-like situation where a lack of foreign exchange reserves has resulted in an economic crisis. Since the revival of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme was the only option in the short run, eventually it yielded and removed the fuel subsidy in three phases and also increased taxes on various necessities in the federal budget. Due to the recency effect, the public (other than the PTI support base also) forgot the inflation and economic mismanagement during Imran’s rule since the present hike in prices felt more painful. The huge increase in the cost of living ended up denting PML-N’s popularity badly and demotivated its own supporters. Since this election was taking place almost immediately after such decisions, the party ended up paying a high penalty. So, what have we learnt from these by-elections? The first big lesson is that similar to some other countries, Pakistan is also susceptible to effective populist rhetoric by a charismatic leader given a conducive atmosphere. The ousting of Imran before his time provided him that atmosphere in which he was able to propagate his narrative in such a way that his support base got really energised and the public forgot the economic mismanagement during his government. The second big lesson is that it is better to let a government complete its term. Had Imran been allowed to complete his term, he would have never gotten this conducive atmosphere to weave his narrative so effectively. The third big lesson is that timing matters a lot with respect to taking tough decisions. Even a sensible decision at a bad time can prove to be extremely costly in the eyes of the public. Fourthly, we must take social media very seriously as it is the most effective platform to influence young voters. After these by-elections, PML-N has lost the majority in Punjab and, barring some exceptional development, Hamza will be removed from his post. With Punjab no longer under its control, it will become exceptionally hard for the federal government of PML-N to survive. Things are looking great for Imran and he looks set to win the elections if they are called now. I may not like what’s happening since I don’t like reactionary politicians like Imran, but I can’t deny that it is happening.

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The return of Imran Khan?

The people have given their verdict in a very high stakes by-elections on 20 seats and, in a performance which has stunned both the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and experts alike, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) has ended up winning 15 seats. In normal times, this would have not been considered a great performance as PTI apparently lost 25% of the seats it had previously won in the previous election. However, these are not normal times as Hamza Shahbaz’s government’s survival was dependent on winning at least 10 seats, which made the stakes much higher. Secondly, and more importantly, 11 of these seats had been won by independent candidates in the 2018 elections who later joined PTI due to Jehangir Tareen’s personal efforts. In other words, these defectors had their own substantial vote bank in those constituencies and therefore it was expected that PTI would really struggle to win even a handful of these seats. The third factor was that in 2018, the Pakistani establishment had actively supported PTI, something which was completely absent this time around. Although the establishment did not create hurdles for PTI, at the same time, the party was basically on its own and fighting an opponent on its own turf who had government machinery at its disposal. Due to the aforementioned factors, this performance could be considered stellar and a game changer for the party, not only for its immediate prospects in Punjab but also for the next General Elections. The PTI has ended up gaining seats in a real sense. Some political commentators are right when they say that for the first time Imran Khan has truly arrived as a leader and is in a very good position to win the upcoming General Elections. Some are even projecting a two-thirds majority. So how did this happen? I think the reasons have to do with the interplay between the existing polarisation in society, the nature of Imran’s own support base, the way he was ousted from power, and his narrative which resonated with his base. Additionally, PTI campaigned hard, leveraging its workers as well as its huge social media footprint far more effectively than PML-N. Its leadership was also more engaged than that of PML-N, which at times seemed that it was taking things for granted. Also, the timing of Imran’s ouster proved costly for the PML-N-led government because they had to take tough economic decisions which, though economically essential, proved politically damaging. Firstly, Pakistani society for the past decade has become very politically polarised, and Imran himself has played an active role in this. When polarisation occurs, the supporters of a particular party start developing intense hatred towards other parties and consequently are more likely to actually go out and vote. PTI’s support base in any case is more like a personality cult than a political party, and therefore much more likely to vote in a polarised and politically charged atmosphere. The way Imran was removed through the no-confidence motion further increased the polarisation by bestowing upon him the status of a “lone warrior”, and allowed him to build a very effective narrative of foreign conspiracy. This narrative, though completely baseless, allowed him to shift the focus away from glaring economic failures of his three-and-half year’s rule, and frame his core message around patriotism and religion while enabling him to paint his opponents as anti-Pakistan and foreign agents. As already stated, this narrative was baseless, but it nevertheless charged up his own base. Furthermore, to his credit, Imran and his team campaigned very hard, drawing mammoth crowds everywhere he went, whereas PML-N ran a lackluster campaign. The PML-N was also without an effective slogan as “Vote Ko Izzat Do” had now become laughably redundant because of its collaboration with the establishment. Moreover, PTI also leveraged its social media presence brilliantly and flooded various platforms, particularly Twitter, with trends like 'Imported government unaccepted', promoting the main PTI narrative of regime change incessantly. On the other hand, PML-N’s social media presence was not even remotely comparable. Secondly, PML-N inherited the reins of government at a time when taking difficult decisions had become inevitable due to an unsustainable current account deficit. A few weeks ago, I had written that it would be better for Shahbaz Sharif to dissolve the government and let a caretaker setup take over so that difficult decisions could be taken. However, much to my surprise, the PML-N led government decided to stay and brave the storm. Initially, Shahbaz had tried his level best to avoid removing the fuel subsidy and increasing the power tariff. Due to the worsening deficit, the dollar continued to slide, raising fears that Pakistan may be heading for a Sri Lanka-like situation where a lack of foreign exchange reserves has resulted in an economic crisis. Since the revival of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme was the only option in the short run, eventually it yielded and removed the fuel subsidy in three phases and also increased taxes on various necessities in the federal budget. Due to the recency effect, the public (other than the PTI support base also) forgot the inflation and economic mismanagement during Imran’s rule since the present hike in prices felt more painful. The huge increase in the cost of living ended up denting PML-N’s popularity badly and demotivated its own supporters. Since this election was taking place almost immediately after such decisions, the party ended up paying a high penalty. So, what have we learnt from these by-elections? The first big lesson is that similar to some other countries, Pakistan is also susceptible to effective populist rhetoric by a charismatic leader given a conducive atmosphere. The ousting of Imran before his time provided him that atmosphere in which he was able to propagate his narrative in such a way that his support base got really energised and the public forgot the economic mismanagement during his government. The second big lesson is that it is better to let a government complete its term. Had Imran been allowed to complete his term, he would have never gotten this conducive atmosphere to weave his narrative so effectively. The third big lesson is that timing matters a lot with respect to taking tough decisions. Even a sensible decision at a bad time can prove to be extremely costly in the eyes of the public. Fourthly, we must take social media very seriously as it is the most effective platform to influence young voters. After these by-elections, PML-N has lost the majority in Punjab and, barring some exceptional development, Hamza will be removed from his post. With Punjab no longer under its control, it will become exceptionally hard for the federal government of PML-N to survive. Things are looking great for Imran and he looks set to win the elections if they are called now. I may not like what’s happening since I don’t like reactionary politicians like Imran, but I can’t deny that it is happening.

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The right to have rights: The intense hatred towards a religious community

During the Eid holidays, I came across a piece of news which shocked and disgusted me to the core. I found out that three individuals in Faisalabad belonging to the Ahmadi community were arrested for performing the Islamic ritual of animal sacrifice in their homes during Eidul Azha. According to the FIR, their actions “hurt Muslim sentiments”, and therefore the “culprits” were arrested and charged under Section 298-C (which prohibits any person of the Ahmadi sect from calling himself a Muslim or preaching or propagating his faith) of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC). According to the FIR, the complainants had heard from some sources that Ahmadis were doing qurbani (animal sacrifice), and to verify this “breach” of law, they climbed up the roofs of the nearby house and from there were able to ascertain that some Ahmadis were sacrificing goats in their houses. What truly baffled me was that these individuals were arrested even though they were doing the qurbani within the confines of their homes. So now it appears that Ahmadis are not even safe within their own homes. While the laws against Ahmadis are already draconian and inhuman, forbidding them to do anything in public which even resembles Islamic rituals, this time they were arrested and charged for doing something within their homes. From policing their behaviour in public, we have now started to breach the privacy of their homes and in doing so are forcefully stripping them of their human dignity and respect completely. When it comes to Ahmadis, it seems we have lost our collective sanity and have become blinded by petty hatred. We actually try to outdo each other in expressing hate against a community which numbers only four million. This hatred is so intense that we won’t shed a tear even if they are killed in large numbers. I still remember when two Ahmadi mosques were attacked by extremists in Lahore in 2010. In the evening, as I was leaving my office when I overheard the following remark: “Although terrorism is bad, they (Ahmadis) deserved it”. The fact that the massacre of innocent individuals was being celebrated in such a cold-hearted manner shocked me beyond belief. I was witnessing naked and intense hatred, stripped of even basic humanity and empathy. In those fleeting moments, I thought that maybe this was just a few individuals expressing hate. However, soon after the tragedy, the general reaction proved me wrong. Normally, tragedies of this scale lead to widespread condemnation and even national mourning, irrespective of the ethnicity, or faith of the individuals. It is said that every national tragedy also leads to moments of national unity. In Pakistan’s case, whenever tragedy struck, society always rose above ethnic, linguistic, and communal differences and stood united in condemnation and grief. However, this tragedy was different. Instead of grief and condemnation, there was a deafening silence. While people were shocked by the scale of the tragedy, there was literally no condemnation. It seemed that everyone was either afraid to offer condolences or simply did not want to, a glaring anomaly which was also reflected vividly in the media coverage. Amongst leading politicians, only the late Salman Taseer and Nawaz Sharif could muster up some courage to visit the community’s representatives to offer their condolence. I still remember the uproar when Nawaz merely stated that Ahmadis were also an asset for Pakistan and were like our brothers and sisters. It was at that point that I truly learnt about the Ahmadi exceptionalism in Pakistan. Even amongst all the oppressed communities in the country, the treatment meted out to them is by far the worst. While all ethnic and religious minorities could claim to be in danger, and with justification, the danger Ahmadis face is supplemented by widespread societal discrimination and intense hatred so much so that no one is willing to offer condolences even in the wake of immense tragedy. I remember that the entire country was condemning Prime Minister Imran Khan when he showed reluctance to visit the Hazaras after a suicide attack killed several members of their community. Just imagine, what would have the reaction been if Ahmadis had been massacred instead. In that case, Imran would most likely have been under immense pressure to not go to offer his condolences. After the aforementioned massacre in 2010, a lot has happened which has merely strengthened my belief. Their mosques have been ransacked, graves desecrated, Dr Abdul Salam’s picture was blackened, Atif Mian was forced to resign from the Economic Council and so on. This latest incident, which proves that now Ahmadis are not free to practice religion customs even within their own homes, merely shows that this issue will progressively worsen. I have read a lot about the entire Ahmadi issue and also written about it. I know for sure that this issue has reached the present situation not because of theological differences but because of the way various political stakeholders have politicised it over the years. Once it got successfully politiciced, particularly in early 1970s, then it also became intertwined with the way the state started to cultivate civic nationalism. As a result, the second amendment was passed declaring Ahmadis to be non-Muslims. The second amendment, instead of defusing the situation, became the blueprint for further state oppression, and the Ziaul Haq regime introduced several laws to further restrict Ahmadis’ right to practice their religion. These laws have given the religious right further impetus to spew more venom against the Ahmadis, which in turn has also intensified hatred against them in society. Such laws have given a sense of entitlement to all to inflict harm on the Ahmadi community. Ahmadis are now being treated not like a minority but rather like complete outcasts, both by the state and society. As pointed out by Professor Ali Usman Qasmi in his excellent overview of the entire issue: “The way Pakistan’s legal language has evolved, Ahmadis have merely been reduced to blasphemers and traitors, which means their existence in the country is under threat. To quote Hannah Arendt, Ahmadis in Pakistan do not have the right to have rights.” This latest episode has shown that now things have taken an ominous turn. I just hope that our society realises that Ahmadis are humans just like all of us. Even if we disagree with their beliefs, we can do so without reducing them to an inhuman status. Our moral case against the atrocities of Muslims in other countries is weakened immensely by the way we are treating Ahmadis in our own country. Above all, it is Allah’s prerogative to judge someone’s faith. Please let them live with dignity.

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From leader to messiah: Imran Khan’s power of populism

In a recent statement, former Prime Minister Imran Khan stated that he wants two million people present at his jalsa in Islamabad. Had this been any other leader, the idea of gathering two million people on the roads of Islamabad would have seemed delusional at the very least, but with Imran, everyone knows that this could be a real possibility. Ever since the captain’s first entry into the political arena, his irresistible pull has completely transformed the outlook of political participation in the country. Imran has managed to turn into Pakistan’s ultimate populist leader and is now possibly inching his way towards becoming the country’s ‘supreme’ leader, or as many of his followers put it, “our only hope of survival”. Populist leaders are best identified through their natural charisma and their ideological stance which is based on the juxtaposition of the common man and the ruling elite. Populist leaders claim to embody the will of the people and stand against all that is wrong with the status quo. On the surface, the idea of a highly charismatic leader, the sole voice of the nation, the defender of the common man, the only hope to surpass all vices of society, seems ideal. However, a populist leader, as proven by political science and history, is not so perfect in reality. By definition, a populist leader claims to represent the unified will of the people, and stands in opposition to an enemy, often embodied by the current system. This enemy is created by a populist leader through dividing the society into two distinct halves. According to Cas Mudde (author of Populism: A Very Short Introduction), the political agenda of a populist leader is based on the notion that society is separated into two groups at odds with one another: “the pure people” and “the corrupt elite”. The populist leader emphasises on this very clear distinction in order to gain mass support. The idea is to create a narrative which oversimplifies the distinction between good and bad to the extent that there is no grey area left. This kind of over-simplification of political issues is very evident in Pakistan today. Imran has used the age-old idea of the ‘corrupt elite’ as his political cash cow. While Pakistan has a myriad of problems, the former prime minister has always been most concerned with this ‘corrupt elite’. This is because it is crucial for the survival of his political narrative that he maintains the grouping of society into – “the pure people” and “the corrupt elite”. Imran tapped into this tried and tested method of politics to build his mass following in 2014 when his party rose to power on dharnas aimed at defaming the ruling elite. In late 2014, political protests of an unprecedented scale and duration took hold of the capital city. The air felt revolutionary as everyone hopped onto the “the pure people” bandwagon, finally ready to put the political elite behind bars. All this seemed in good faith until the captain of the pure people came into power himself in 2018. This was when the tables turned and Imran found himself as the leader of the ruling elite – a group he had spent his entire political career campaigning against. Even when he was in the government, his addresses to the nation started and ended with a heart-felt lecture on the former government’s corruption. This is because maintaining this narrative is key to his popularity. Dividing society into good and bad, with nothing in between, means that if you are not standing firmly with the self-proclaimed ‘good’ people, you are automatically the enemy. While Imran has now become the face of populist politics in Pakistan, he is not alone in this race. Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) have also tried their hand at this kind of a political stance. An evident characteristic of populist leaders, which is common in all of the above mentioned parties, is that once in power, their economic policies are short-term and based on gaining popularity. This is because these leaders come into power by opposing unfavourable economic conditions for the common man and hence they pass laws to maintain this stance without regard of the consequences for the country such as inflation or debt. An example is the petroleum subsidy levied in the country by both the current and the former government. However, despite most politicians in the country clinging to the populist handbook, Imran seems to have taken the lead. He has managed to use the populist approach to gain followers like never before. This is because populism isn’t the only trick up Imran’s sleeve. The captain’s followers view him not only as a political leader but as the political messiah, the only hope for an otherwise doomed nation. In a classic populist move, Imran has recently broadened the horizons of the perceived enemy of this “doomed nation” from the “corrupt elite” to “opponents of an Islamic state” and even “enemies of national security”. Imran has been a beloved celebrity all his life. He has spent more than 60 years in the limelight, convincing people of his ‘oh-so pure’ nature. Pakistanis love their celebrities, especially cricketers who win us world cups. And Imran has managed to channel this popularity into his political career. According to a United Kingdom based cult therapist, Rachel Bernstein, some leaders don’t realise their charismatic potential at first, but once they do, they become egomaniacs. Bernstein states that this type of leader may start as a teacher, street preacher, or in another public-speaking position in the limelight. Eventually, they realise people cling onto what they have to say and run with that skill. “(They) suddenly realise that everyone listens to everything they say, and they are pied pipers, and people will do things just because they told them to do it. And they start to morph into this kind of ego maniacal monster,” says Bernstein. Imran has also managed to build an image so his followers cling on to every word he says while continuing to drool over his natural charisma.

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